Who is the Colorado Criminal Justice Reform Coalition?

Our mission is to reverse the trend of mass incarceration in Colorado. We are a coalition of nearly 7,000 individual members and over 100 faith and community organizations who have united to stop perpetual prison expansion in Colorado through policy and sentence reform.

Our chief areas of interest include drug policy reform, women in prison, racial injustice, the impact of incarceration on children and families, the problems associated with re-entry and stopping the practice of using private prisons in our state.

If you would like to be involved please go to our website and become a member.


Tuesday, January 12, 2010

DUI crackdown worth the costs - The Denver Post

DUI crackdown worth the costs - The Denver Post

Requiring jail time for repeat drunken drivers may be an expensive proposition, but it's worth pursuing.

A story by Denver Post reporter David Olinger estimates it could cost $20 million to mandate relatively short jail sentences for second- and third-time offenders. It's a significant amount of money, especially during a recession when governments are cutting budgets.

We hope state legislators, as they consider sentencing changes this session, pay attention to the costs they would force on counties by imposing minimum mandatory sentences and treatment requirements for drunken- driving convictions.

It would be difficult for counties to shoulder an extra $20 million in costs, and the state certainly doesn't have the money to pay for it. But the problem is too serious to ignore.

Through prison sentencing reform, it's possible to save money by lessening penalties in some areas to pay for stiffer DUI sentences. At the very least, a third offense ought to trigger mandatory jail time.

Counties have taken notice.

"We're not only going to have to pay the price to house them," said Andy Karsian, legislative liaison for Colorado Counties Inc. "We'll have to treat them, too."

Almost 32,000 people were arrested for drunken driving in Colorado last year. Of those, more than 5,000 were second offenders, and 2,200 were three-time losers or worse.



Read more:http://www.denverpost.com/search/ci_14167854#ixzz0cOu4NHWo

Denver stricter on pot - The Denver Post

Denver stricter on pot - The Denver Post

Denver's City Council approved a broad set of regulations for the city's booming medical-marijuana industry Monday night over the objections of dozens of cannabis advocates who say the rules clamp down too hard on their businesses.

The regulations require the licensing of medical-marijuana dispensaries, impose 1,000-foot buffers between the shops and schools or child-care facilities, bar on-site marijuana consumption, mandate certain security procedures and prohibit felons from opening a dispensary.

"We did our jobs, and we should hold our heads high for what we were able to do in this first phase," said Councilman Charlie Brown, who pushed for the ordinance.

The council unanimously approved the ordinance at the close of a nearly four-hour meeting. During the public hearing that preceded the vote, dozens of dispensary owners, medical-marijuana patients and cannabis advocates urged the council to reject the regulations, calling them unconstitutional and over-reaching.

Speakers particularly singled out the 1,000-foot buffers, which medical-marijuana lawyer Rob Corry said amount to a "de facto ban" on new dispensaries in Denver. Other speakers focused on the Dec. 15, 2009, cutoff date for dispensaries to be exempted from the spacing requirements, saying that it is unconstitutionally retroactive and would force hundreds of businesses to close their doors.

"Many of these regulations are not reasonable regulations," attorney Lauren Davis told council members. "They are strangulations that will hurt patients and caregivers."

A smaller number of Denver residents — including a trio of moms from the Stapleton neighborhood concerned about plans for a dispensary to open several hundred feet from a school — spoke in favor of the ordinance, arguing for even tougher spacing restrictions. They cited concerns about crime at dispensaries. Council members said they received phone calls and e-mails from many more residents expressing concerns about the explosion of dispensaries.



Read more:http://www.denverpost.com/news/ci_14170284#ixzz0cOkihYTD

Monday, January 11, 2010

Johnson: Colorado's number of shame: 179 kids killed from abuse, neglect over seven years - The Denver Post

Johnson: Colorado's number of shame: 179 kids killed from abuse, neglect over seven years - The Denver Post

One-hundred seventy-nine. That is the number I cannot seem to shake.

It is a number I learned last Friday at a luncheon meeting of child advocates who called together members of the media so they might process the number, appreciate it and tell others of it.

It is the number of children in Colorado killed as a result of abuse and neglect between 2000 and 2007, according to the Washington, D.C.-based Every Child Matters Education Fund.

It is a staggering total given we are talking of, well, Colorado. And it was only the nastiest headline in a series of head- scratchingly awful stories this small group told on that afternoon.

A quick sampling:

In fiscal year 2008-09, the state's 64 counties received about 76,000 reports of child abuse or neglect.

Imagine this the way I do: every last seat inside Invesco Field at Mile High occupied by an abused or neglected Colorado kid.

Of the 76,000 reports, one in three on average was investigated by the counties. And of those, about 22 percent resulted in the county providing child-care services.

Colorado's child-welfare system is in crisis, Shari Shink, founder and executive director of the Rocky Mountain Children's Law Center, told me over sandwiches. Still more abused and neglected kids are fated to fall through the ever-widening cracks of the system, underfunded for years, and with new rounds of cuts coming this legislative session.

What I learned was chilling, that money and its lack is at the root of it all, that fingers can be pointed everywhere, but that the only Coloradans truly paying the price are this state's abused and neglected children.

New medical-pot bill to restrict providers - The Denver Post

New medical-pot bill to restrict providers - The Denver Post

The fight to regulate the rapidly growing number of medical-marijuana dispensaries took a drastic swing toward shutting down the hundreds of Colorado storefronts after state Sen. Chris Romer announced Sunday that a pending pot bill would reflect the wishes of law enforcement groups.

The attorney general, sheriff's organizations and police groups want a five-person limit on the number of patients a pot provider — dubbed a "caregiver" — can serve.

Romer, a Democrat from Denver, said the bill reflecting that cap will likely be introduced once the legislative session starts Wednesday by state Rep. Tom Massey, R-Poncha Springs, who could not be reached for comment.

It's a stark departure from Romer's original bill, which would have required dispensaries to provide other health services and to register their products in a database for law enforcement purposes.

Romer, at one point the dispensaries' most vocal legislative champion, distanced himself from the new bill and said the concession follows a Friday-afternoon meeting with the governor and law enforcement representatives. He also blamed pot advocates for being too resistant to regulation.

"Almost all the cannabis people thought my bill was too restrictive. Maybe they need to wake up," Romer said. "When the sheriffs roll their bill out, they'll understand how reasonable my bill really was."

Romer will carry a separate bill to more strictly define the relationship between doctors and their pot-seeking patients, an idea that has remained the only common ground between law enforcement and some cannabis advocates throughout the debate. The language was once part of his original bill.

It's too early to tell what will happen to the new legislation, said former legislator and current Denver City Councilman Charlie Brown. He's carrying a city bill aimed at more evenly distributing dispensaries, keeping them farther from schools and imposing thousands of dollars in fees. That proposal gets a hearing tonight.

"This is the third time he's made changes. It's an election year. There's no telling what's going to happen. Good Lord," Brown said of Romer.


Colo. bills out to get tough on DUIs - The Denver Post

Colo. bills out to get tough on DUIs - The Denver Post

More than 7,000 Colorado drivers would face mandatory jail sentences each year if legislators carry out their promises to get tough with people who repeatedly drink and drive.

It will not be an easy promise to keep when the state legislature convenes Wednesday. The price of confining that many drivers even for a month or two could run $20 million. That's bound to be a tricky proposition in a state whose government is searching for more than $1 billion to balance its budget next year.

Twice in the past three years, legislators have proposed to remove Colorado from the short list of states with no felony DUI law. Both efforts died when legislative analysts estimated the formidable costs of building enough cells to hold more prisoners.

This year, one legislator will try again to make persistent drunken driving a felony. Other proponents of tougher DUI laws are pursuing a different strategy: making mandatory sentences short enough to let offenders serve time in county jails instead. That would shift most of the costs to local governments.

"I'm hearing from constituents that they want drunk drivers off the road," said Rep. Claire Levy, a Boulder Democrat who plans to offer one mandatory-sentencing bill. "We're trying to bring some certainty and consistency to these sentencing laws so people will know what they face if they go out and drive drunk.

"We're not going to suspend sentences."

In a series of stories during the past 12 months, The Denver Post has reported that sentences in drunken-driving cases vary greatly from courtroom to courtroom.

Some drunken drivers got no time in prison for killing people while others have been imprisoned for as long as 72 years. Some judges send nearly every repeat offender to jail, while others let most wear an ankle bracelet at home.


Sunday, January 10, 2010

Chris Romer Withdraws His MMJ Bill

Huffington Post

A Colorado resident since 1968, Janice suffers from osteoarthritis and chronic back pain. Until recently she had to take up to four oxycodone just to be able to make it through the day. Fortunately for her, she received a permit to use marijuana legally and is now able to live without debilitating pain and able to go days without taking the highly addictive oxycodone. Janice explained to me "the blessing comes with the knowledge that I can pick what works for me at the dispensary. I don't have to just take what I can get on the black market."
Sadly for Janice--and thousands of patients like her--access to sophisticated care is being jeopardized because both sides in this debate cannot seem to grasp the importance of finding common ground. Having tried my best to urge the medical marijuana community to educate the public on patient needs, we instead find ourselves in a situation in which the Wild West explosion of dispensaries and the outbreak of greed has become the public face of this debate. Public backlash has manifested across the state, including in friendly cities like Denver. From Lodo to Stapleton to West Denver, neighborhoods are now organizing and opposing all dispensaries. My own neighbors are up in arms with the 31 dispensaries now licensed in our zip code.
Without a patient face like Janice Beecher or an effective lobbying and education campaign by the MMJ community, I see more and more obstacles to any editorial, bi-partisan or even limited partisan support for a set of common sense rules.

Prisoners of Parole

NY TIMES

IN 2004, STEVEN ALM, a state trial judge in Hawaii, was frustrated with the cases on his docket. Nearly half of the people appearing before him were convicted offenders with drug problems who had been sentenced to probation rather than prison and then repeatedly violated the terms of that probation by missing appointments or testing positive for drugs. Whether out of neglect or leniency, probation officers would tend to overlook a probationer’s first 5 or 10 violations, giving the offender the impression that he could ignore the rules. But eventually, the officers would get fed up and recommend that Alm revoke probation and send the offender to jail to serve out his sentence. That struck Alm as too harsh, but the alternative — winking at probation violations — struck him as too soft. “I thought, This is crazy, this is a crazy way to change people’s behavior,” he told me recently.
So Alm decided to try something different. He reasoned that if the offenders knew that a probation violation would lead immediately to some certain punishment, they might shape up. “I thought, What did I do when my son was young?” he recalled. “If he misbehaved, I talked to him and warned him, and if he disregarded the warning, I gave him some kind of consequence right away.” Working with U.S. marshals and local police, Alm arranged for a new procedure: if offenders tested positive for drugs or missed an appointment, they would be arrested within hours and most would have a hearing within 72 hours. Those who were found to have violated probation would be quickly sentenced to a short jail term proportionate to the severity of the violation — typically a few days.
Alm mentioned his plan to the public defender, who suggested that it was only fair to warn probationers that the rules were going to be strictly enforced for the first time. Alm agreed, and on Oct. 1, 2004, he held a hearing for 18 sex offenders, followed by another one for 16 drug offenders. Brandishing a laminated “Wanted” poster, he told them: “I can guarantee that everyone in this courtroom wants you to succeed on probation, but you have not been cutting it. From now on, you’re going to follow all the rules of probation, and if you don’t, you’re going to be arrested on the spot and spend some time in jail right away.” He called the program HOPE, for Hawaii’s Opportunity Probation With Enforcement, and prepared himself for a flood of violation hearings.
But they never materialized. There were only three hearings in the first week, two in the second week and none in the third. The HOPE program was so successful that it inspired scholars to evaluate its methods. Within a six-month period, the rate of positive drug tests fell by 93 percent for HOPE probationers, compared with a fall of 14 percent for probationers in a comparison group.
Alm had stumbled onto an effective strategy for keeping people out of prison, one that puts a fresh twist on some venerable ideas about deterrence. Classical deterrence theory has long held that the threat of a mild punishment imposed reliably and immediately has a much greater deterrent effect than the threat of a severe punishment that is delayed and uncertain. Recent work in behavioral economics has helped to explain this phenomenon: people are more sensitive to the immediate than the slightly deferred future and focus more on how likely an outcome is than how bad it is. In the course of implementing HOPE, Alm discovered another reason why the strategy works: people are most likely to obey the law when they’re subject to punishments they perceive as legitimate, fair and consistent, rather than arbitrary and capricious. “When the system isn’t consistent and predictable, when people are punished randomly, they think, My probation officer doesn’t like me, or, Someone’s prejudiced against me,” Alm told me, “rather than seeing that everyone who breaks a rule is treated equally, in precisely the same way.”
Judge Alm’s story is an example of a new approach to keeping people out of prison that is being championed by some of the most innovative scholars studying deterrence today. At its core, the approach focuses on establishing the legitimacy of the criminal-justice system in the eyes of those who have run afoul of it or are likely to. Promising less crime and less punishment, this approach includes elements that should appeal to liberals (it doesn’t rely on draconian prison sentences) and to conservatives (it stresses individual choice and moral accountability). But at a time when the size of the U.S. prison population is increasingly seen as unsustainable for both budgetary and moral reasons — the United States represents 5 percent of the world’s population and nearly 25 percent of the world’s prison population — the fact that this approach seems to work may be its biggest draw.
The HOPE program, if widely adopted as a model for probation and parole reform, could make a surprisingly large contribution to reducing the prison population. In many states, the majority of prison admissions come not from arrests for new crimes, as you might think, but from probation and parole violations. Nationwide, roughly two-thirds of parolees fail to complete parole successfully. Todd Clear, a professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York, estimates that by eliminating imprisonment across the nation for technical parole violations, reducing the length of parole supervision and ratcheting back prison sentences to their 1988 levels, the United States could reduce its prison population by 50 percent.
Some in government are beginning to take notice. In November, invoking the HOPE program as a model, the Democratic congressman Adam Schiff of California and his Republican colleague Ted Poe of Texas introduced legislation in the House that would create federal grants for states to experiment with courts that deliver swift, predictable and moderate punishment for those who violate probation.
There also appears to be a national audience for a broader conversation about new ways to shrink the prison population. Last year, a three-judge panel in California ordered the overcrowded state prison system — the largest in the country, with more than 170,000 prisoners at its peak — to reduce the inmate population by tens of thousands of prisoners within two years in order to comply with constitutional standards for medical and mental health care. Facing a tightening budget crisis in September, California legislators added to the pressure by demanding a reduction in the prison budget of $1.2 billion. In the U.S. Senate, Jim Webb of Virginia is leading a crusade for prison reform, insisting that fewer jail terms for nonviolent offenders can make America safer and more humane, while also saving money. And in the Obama administration, Attorney General Eric Holder is questioning the value of relentlessly expanding prisons. In July, he declared that “high rates of incarceration have tremendous social costs” and “diminishing marginal returns.”
The most effective way to shrink the prison population, of course, is not just to reform probation and parole but also to deter groups of potential lawbreakers from committing crimes in the first place. If, in addition to bringing down the numbers of probation and parole revocations, police officers and judges could also address the core problems of drug arrests and street violence, the United States might even be said to have solved its notorious prison problem. Is such an ambitious goal possible? While it might sound too good to be true, the HOPE-style thinking about deterrence offers a promising road map for addressing all these challenges.
ALTHOUGH HE ACTED on his own, Judge Alm did not design the HOPE program without inspiration. In the mid-1990s, when he was a U.S. attorney in Hawaii, Alm heard a presentation by David M. Kennedy, who is considered the patron saint of the new thinking about deterrence. Kennedy, who now teaches at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, spoke about Operation Ceasefire, a program he was designing to reduce youth violence in Boston. Along with his colleagues Anne M. Piehl and Anthony Braga, Kennedy worked with the head of the Youth Violence Strike Force, a division of the Boston Police Department. The police officer explained that while conventional deterrence hadn’t worked, he had begun to persuade gangs to behave by issuing a credible threat: namely, that when a gang attracted attention with notorious acts of violence, the entire gang — all of whose members likely had outstanding warrants or probation, parole or traffic violations — would be rounded up.
Kennedy recalls this today as a breakthrough moment in his thinking. Ever since the days of Cesare Beccaria, the 18th-century philosopher and death-penalty opponent, classical deterrence theorists had focused on credibly threatening individuals; Kennedy’s first innovation was to focus on increasing the legitimacy of law enforcement in the eyes of groups. “The legitimacy element has risen in my mind from being an important element of the strategy to the most important element,” Kennedy told me. Convinced that the best way to increase legitimacy was to enlist what he calls the “community’s moral voice,” Kennedy set out to deter the most dangerous young gang members by persuading their friends and neighbors to pressure them into obeying the law.

NY TIMES read more here

From behind bars, hard-core ski bum defies authorities - The Denver Post

From behind bars, hard-core ski bum defies authorities - The Denver Post

Lengths taken to cover up deaths in nation's immigrant jails - The Denver Post

Lengths taken to cover up deaths in nation's immigrant jails - The Denver Post

Silence has long shrouded the men and women who die in the nation's immigration jails. For years, they went uncounted and unnamed in the public record. Even in 2008, when The New York Times obtained and published a federal government list of such deaths, few facts were available about who these people were and how they died.

But behind the scenes, it is now clear, the deaths had already generated thousands of pages of government documents, including scathing investigative reports that were kept under wraps, and a trail of confidential memos and BlackBerry messages that show officials working to stymie outside inquiry.

The documents, obtained over recent months by The Times and the American Civil Liberties Union under the Freedom of Information Act, concern most of the 107 deaths in detention counted by Immigration and Customs Enforcement since October 2003, after the agency was created within the Department of Homeland Security.

The Obama administration has vowed to overhaul immigration detention, a haphazard network of privately run jails, federal centers and county cells where the government holds noncitizens while it tries to deport them.

Deflections and coverups

As the administration moves to increase oversight within the agency, the documents show how officials — some still in key positions — used their role as overseers to cover up evidence of mistreatment, deflect scrutiny by the media or prepare exculpatory public statements after gathering facts that pointed to substandard care or abuse.

As one man lay dying of head injuries suffered in a New Jersey immigration jail in 2007, for example, a spokesman for the federal agency told The Times that he could learn nothing about the case from government authorities. In fact, the records show, the spokesman alerted those officials to the reporter's inquiry, and they conferred at length about sending the man back to Africa to avoid embarrassing publicity.

In another case that year, investigators from the agency's Office of Professional Responsibility concluded that unbearable, untreated pain had been a significant factor in the suicide of a 22-year-old detainee at the Bergen County Jail in New Jersey, and that the medical unit was so poorly run that other detainees were at risk.

The investigation found that jail medical personnel had falsified a medication log to show that the detainee, a Salvadoran named Nery Romero, had been given Motrin. The fake entry was easy to detect: When the drug was supposedly administered, Romero was already dead.


Saturday, January 09, 2010

Carroll: Dispensaries may work after all - The Denver Post

Carroll: Dispensaries may work after all - The Denver Post

In the past 2 1/2 months, my attitude toward medical-marijuana dispensaries has evolved from one of skepticism to cautious acceptance. Just because the voters who passed Amendment 20 a decade ago didn't envision the existence of dispensaries (which are nowhere mentioned in the amendment or even implied) doesn't mean that such outlets aren't a reasonable way to supply patients with a pain-killing drug.

Attorney General John Suthers told The Denver Post last month that even before the mushrooming appearance of dispensaries last year, patients in need of pain relief were satisfied with their access to medical marijuana. The alleged proof: The state health department never received a single complaint.

Yet that claim depends on your definition of "complaint." A spokesman for the health department (who defends the pre-dispensary system) recently told me, "We have always had questions from people asking whether we knew how to obtain marijuana or whether we could give them a list of suppliers. We have always told them that we did not know."

Those inquiries might not have been complaints, but they signaled a supply issue. And they presumably came from people who'd applied for a medical marijuana permit, not those who never bothered because they had no inkling where to acquire the drug.

Either the explosion of cannabis patients since last summer represents nothing more than an epidemic of fraud (Suthers' position, in a nutshell), or the previous delivery system suppressed demand among at least some suffering patients. I'd rather let 1,000 liars exploit the system than deny relief to a few victims, say, of pancreatic cancer.



Read more:http://www.denverpost.com/opinion/ci_14153923?source=pop#ixzz0cAJIalPq

DPS sings new tune on calming kids - The Denver Post

Restorative justice at work..
DPS sings new tune on calming kids - The Denver Post

Now that's an incentive. Ben Cairns, the man in charge of North High School's new discipline policy, promised the students Friday that if they recorded four or fewer fights for the rest of the year, he would wear a tuxedo right out of the screwball comedy "Dumb and Dumber" to the prom.

"An orange one," Cairns, the school's restorative justice coordinator, told the auditorium full of students.

The promise marked the finale of a student assembly that included the school's drum-line band, a skit, the wave and videos.

All of the entertainment had the same message: There's a new approach to disruptive behavior at North.

For the past several years, North has been in the forefront of a new Denver Public Schools


policy that emphasizes intervention and mediation to resolve fights and disruptions rather than out-of- school suspensions and expulsions.

The session, geared toward letting students know their rights, was sponsored by Padres & Jovenes Unidos. The group's 2005 report charged that the district suspended too many students for nonviolent offenses and disproportionately targeted minorities. It helped lead to the policy changes.

"It's important that every student know their rights," junior Brandon Garcia told the students after leading them in a Denver Broncos version of the wave.

Garcia was one of the central characters in a skit showing how a fight between two female students who bumped into each other in the hallway ended under the old and new policies.

Under the old policy, the combatants were sent home for three days and threatened with trespassing if they showed up at school.

Under the new policy, the two students talked out their dispute with Garcia's help and apologized to each other.

Cairns said the new approach has cut suspensions in half, and the school has yet to record an expulsion this year.


Friday, January 08, 2010

Spineless in California

The NY Times
Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger of California was on the mark when he said this week that the state needed to change policies that spend more money on prisons than on the state’s once-vaunted higher education systems, which are being bled to death in budget cuts. But Mr. Schwarzenegger was way off the mark when he suggested that the answer was to privatize prison services or to pass yet another constitutional amendment, this time to limit prison spending.
States that privatize prisons sometimes save money, but they can also buy trouble by ceding control to companies that put profit first and inmate welfare a distant second. That would be disastrous for the California prison system. It is already under pressure from scores of court orders that require it to reduce its growing prison count and provide adequate mental, medical and dental services, as well as better care for the disabled.
It would generally be impossible for the state to unilaterally lower prison spending without first cutting the prison population dramatically. And because so much prison spending is nondiscretionary, a constitutional amendment that reduced spending — without cutting the prison population — would be doomed to failure. It would also draw the ire of judges who have rightly run out of patience with the state’s long list of failures in this area.

Ky. Gov Orders Women Moved From Private Prison - ABC News

Ky. Gov Orders Women Moved From Private Prison - ABC News

Gov. Steve Beshear on Friday ordered some 400 female inmates removed from a privately run prison after widespread allegations of sexual misconduct involving the predominantly male corps of corrections officers.

Beshear ordered the women moved from Otter Creek Correctional Complex, operated by Nashville-based Corrections Corp. of America, to the state-run Western Kentucky Correctional Complex starting by July 1.

The move came four months after the Kentucky Department of Corrections called for security improvements at Otter Creek in a report on the handling of 18 alleged cases of sexual misconduct by prison guards there.

"There is no place for this kind of behavior in our system," Beshear said Friday.

Under Beshear's order, the male inmates now held the Western Kentucky Correctional Complex in Lyon County will be moved to Otter Creek and other facilities around the state.

State investigators had made a series of demands to protect women inmates at Otter Creek, including basic strategies like assigning female guards to supervise sleeping quarters, hiring a female security chief, and shuffling staffing so that at least 40 percent of the work force is female.

Beshear said finding enough women willing to work as corrections officers at Otter Creek had been difficult.


Crowd Gives Lawmakers An Earful On Reform

The Times Call
LONGMONT — Colorado is incarcerating too many criminal offenders without providing the treatment and training those inmates will need to convert to crime-free lives upon release, according to several people attending a Monday night town meeting here.
Not so, said some other meeting-goers. They charged that Colorado convicts are coddled while incarcerated for their crimes.

Those were among the sharply differing viewpoints that state Rep. Claire Levy, Colorado Senate President Brandon Shaffer and Boulder County District Attorney Stan Garnett heard when a standing-room-only crowd of more than 40 people showed up for a discussion of potential changes to state criminal-sentencing laws.

Amber Lucero, who said her husband Steve Lucero is serving a five-year prison sentence after being convicted in Boulder County of an attempted sexual assault charge, described her spouse’s difficulties in getting into the treatment programs he needs to become eligible for parole.

Amber Lucero, whose husband is housed in the privately operated Kit Carson Correctional Facility in Burlington, also argued that non-violent offenders should be put on probation — where they might have a better chance of getting such treatment — rather than sentenced to prison.

But Al Scheopner, another of person attending Monday’s meeting, called Colorado’s current criminal-justice system “a joke.”

“Prison is a country club. They have more benefits than their victims do,” said Scheopner said, who maintained that “prison needs to be more like hell” for inmates.

Shaffer, D-Longmont, said the ultimate goal should be “public safety.”

But Shaffer, a former Senate Judiciary Committee chairman, said budget problems have sometimes led, for example, to not having enough state officers to oversee the growing population of offenders who still must serve state-set mandatory-parole periods after completing their prison terms.

Scheopner suggested that if the state’s expense of housing prisoners is an issue driving potential sentencing reforms, Colorado should consider “outsourcing” its inmates to other countries that will house those convicts more cheaply, Scheopner suggested.

From Freedom To Failure

Colorado Springs Independent

The 29 days since Jason Horn left jail have been a blur of bus rides, AA meetings and rejections. Today, with a cold snap tugging the temperature into the single digits, he's taking the No. 3 bus to continue his job search in Old Colorado City. Somehow, he manages to sound upbeat.

"You can't give up," he says. "You can't let your past history slow you down, start drinking and drugging again."

Experience tells him that kind of history is tough to shake. But this time is going to be different. It has to be.
Though the sun is doing little to stave off a bone-numbing chill, it's still early afternoon when Horn reaches his stop on West Colorado Avenue. As he walks on a snow-packed stretch of sidewalk toward a nearby Starbucks, the 33-year-old's limp becomes visible. He broke his foot playing handball while in jail, and now doctors say he'll need surgery to fix a bone that's healed into a painful knob protruding under his shoelaces.
"I don't have the money," Horn says simply.

The coffee shop provides a welcome break from the cold, but Horn immediately walks to the counter to ask about openings. If not quite confident, he projects a calm fatalism about his job search, as if certain that he'll get whatever is his due.

That turns out to be very little at Starbucks. The woman behind the counter says he'll have to apply online — a kiss of death, since it'll give him no chance to explain his criminal history.

Horn smiles as he leaves, and continues smiling as he walks between other businesses the rest of the afternoon. He fills out applications at a temp agency and a couple restaurants, while hearing variations on the Starbucks theme — come back later or apply online — if not outright refusal, at a dozen other places.

He never talks about his felony, because no one asks. So today, Horn clings to the hope of a call-back from a steakhouse where he interviewed the day before. And he basically looks like just one more desperate person searching for work in a dismal job market.

Plagued by the past

The reality for Horn and others with felony records is much darker. Steve Handen, a Colorado Springs homeless advocate, says the process of filling out applications often ends the hiring process long before the time comes to make a decision.

"It's name, address, telephone number, and, 'Have you ever been convicted of a felony?'" he says. "The felonious ones fall to the bottom of the barrel pretty quick."

Handen says he's seen people submit 100 or more applications before throwing in the towel. Then they take joblessness for granted and go back to drinking or whatever else got them into trouble in the first place.
Christie Donner, executive director of the Denver-based Colorado Criminal Justice Reform Coalition, lays out the conundrum in explicit terms: "If they can't survive legally, they will figure out a way to survive."

Gov. Bill Ritter set goals soon after he took office three years ago to reduce recidivism, the rate at which people like Horn go back to prison, while also curbing growth in the state's prison population. On the latter front he's made some progress: The state has only added 346 inmates to its tally since the end of 2006, bringing the total to 22,696. (Ritter announced with some fanfare a plan to save the state nearly $19 million in the 2009-10 budget year by speeding the release of some inmates, but his Accelerated Transition Program was scaled back sharply amid criticism that dangerous people would be put back on the streets.)

It's too early to examine recidivism data since the governor took office, but the state's tightening budget has already squeezed out some of the programs that were meant to help former inmates stick to the straight and narrow. Starting last year, the state budgeted $1.8 million for "wraparound" services to help parolees get jobs, housing and other necessities, along with $3 million to get inmates educational and vocational training in prison. Yet neither program ever was funded, and both are slated for permanent elimination from the Department of Corrections budget this year.

Donner says three of the 200-plus inmates released early under Ritter's Accelerated Transition Program have already come to her organization looking for help, indicating possible gaps in services for that program as well.
Donner, who serves on the state's Commission on Criminal and Juvenile Justice and helps lead one of its sub-groups analyzing post-prison supervision, says funding woes are only part of a bigger problem: The state's parole system still leans toward penalizing offenders who slip up, instead of motivating them to succeed.
"We are probably years behind where other states are," she says.
Plans to start training parole and probation officers in motivational interviewing techniques are on track for later this year. But their clients will face the harshest economy in decades.

Back in February 2007, the Indy told the story of Ernie Medina, who, after serving three prison terms on drug-related charges, started his own construction company with the goal of employing other former inmates. Today, the company is gone, and Medina's struggling to find hourly work as a carpenter. Paroled five years ago, Medina sounds a note of despair talking about what it would be like to get out now: "They are almost doomed to fail because of a lack of work."

He talks longingly about the idea that people should get a chance to succeed when they leave prison, then dismisses it."That's just fucked," he says, apologizing for the profanity but adding that no other word fits. "It's just too hard to find a job."

No Prison For Meth Conviction

The Coloradoan

After proving to a judge he's taken considerable steps to kick his methamphetamine addiction, a Fort Collins man was spared Thursday from serving a multiple-year prison sentence after a meth manufacturing operation was uncovered at his home in July.

Leif Moe instead was sentenced to serve six years through Larimer County Community Corrections after pleading guilty to a felony drug charge.
"You've made a remarkable turnaround in terms of leaving meth behind you," Judge Dan Kaup told the 54-year-old Moe. "Especially because it is such a difficult drug to overcome. This court considers that when sentencing you to community corrections."
Kaup told Moe he normally would not forego a prison sentence in favor of community corrections for someone who allowed meth manufacturing to go on inside his home. Kaup told Moe he easily could have sentenced him to four years in prison.
Moe told Kaup prior to the sentencing that he was sorry for his actions.
"I got caught up in a social class of people that are cruel, deviant and evil, and it snow-balled on me," Moe said. "I'm sorry for everything."
Moe's cousin, Dick Benson, who met with Moe multiple times per week during the months after his arrest and flew in from Arizona for Thursday's hearing, told Kaup he's seen significant progress toward an improved life. Kaup also noted that Moe's drug tests have all come back clean, which the judge said was not the case for at least one of his co-defendants.
Prosecutor David Vanden-berg indicated during Thursday's hearing Moe allowed Nathan Coulson, 29, and Michael Brokaw, 30, to live in his home and to manufacture methamphetamine in exchange for free drugs.

Lawmakers crafting medical-pot bill struggle for middle ground - The Denver Post

Lawmakers crafting medical-pot bill struggle for middle ground - The Denver Post

The state lawmakers drafting a major medical-marijuana regulation bill plan to meet with representatives from the state attorney general's office today to work on a compromise to include more law-and-order language in the bill.

At the same time, medical-marijuana advocates are blasting the current version of the bill, arguing it is already too restrictive. On Thursday, attorney Rob Corry sent a letter to state Sen. Chris Romer, the Denver Democrat who is crafting the legislation, saying the bill "cannot be supported by any serious patient or caregiver in Colorado's medical-marijuana community."

Earlier this week, Brian Vicente, executive director of Sensible Colorado, said medical-marijuana advocates would work to put a ballot issue before voters if the legislature passes a bill it feels clamps down too hard on the booming medical-marijuana industry.

"We're somewhat concerned that this bill is going to be reflective of the law-enforcement agenda as opposed to looking out for what's really best for patients," Vicente said Thursday.

State Rep. Tom Massey — a Republican from Poncha Springs who is working with Romer on the bill — said the pair continues to negotiate with both sides of the medical- marijuana debate, but recognizes there are "legitimate law-enforcement concerns" their current bill does not address.

Those concerns include better defining the role of a medical-marijuana caregiver and tightening the rules for doctors who recommend medical marijuana.



Read more:http://www.denverpost.com/ci_14145589#ixzz0c1yNK7XR

Swarzenegger Seeks Shift From Prisons To Schools

NY Times

SACRAMENTO — With his state strapped and his legacy looming, Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger proposed on Wednesday to greatly reduce the amount of money California spends on its prisons and to funnel that sum to the state’s higher education system instead.
The governor said he would also push for a constitutional amendment prohibiting the percentage of the state budget earmarked for prisons from exceeding what is set aside for its public university system.
“Choosing universities over prisons,” Mr. Schwarzenegger said in his final annual address to the Legislature. “This is a historic and transforming realignment of California’s priorities.”
The governor, a Republican, also used the opportunity to take a swipe at the proposed federal health care legislation — for which he has shown support — criticizing it as yet another federal program that requires the state to put out money it no longer has.
While the governor provided few details of his new plan, much of the prison cost savings he envisions would come though privatizing services or prisons themselves, anathema in a state where the union for corrections officers has held political sway for years.
Such sweeping change at a time of great fiscal distress in California will no doubt be an uphill fight for Mr. Schwarzenegger, a lame-duck governor.
The proposal, which would require a constitutional amendment or ballot box action, comes at a time when the state’s vaunted public university system is increasingly perceived as the most visible victim of huge budget cuts. It is a system that for decades has attracted families and businesses to the state with its promise to residents of a low-cost, world-class education.

Wednesday, January 06, 2010

Johnson: In the medical-marijuana debate, it's time to be grown-ups - The Denver Post

Johnson: In the medical-marijuana debate, it's time to be grown-ups - The Denver Post

The hand-wringing by lawmakers and others over medical marijuana just tickles me, or floors me. I still cannot tell.

You would think they were handing out AK-47s in the state's proliferating number of dispensaries. The Denver City Council now wants to keep them 1,000 feet away from schools. What isthatabout?

So, at 1,001 feet from a school, they can sell medical pot by the truckload?

Please.

My favorite proposed law is being dreamed up by state Sen. Chris Romer, whom I admire greatly. But he proposes raising the age at which a patient can legally obtain marijuana for medical use from 18 to 21.

Let us say it is your kid, my kid. Who are you or I going to trust more for what our kids need — Romer, or our family doctor? How quickly would you find the nearest street dealer to assist your pain-ravaged child? Come on.

We really and truly need grown-ups to step forward in this debate.



Read more:http://www.denverpost.com/billjohnson/ci_14130067?source=rsshomecol#ixzz0bqAP9TS0